1989年六四当中的工人和学生

Throughout the period of martial law, gongzilian maintained the same tone in its leaflets that it had during the hunger strike: a rhetoric that fused together the idea of working class struggle with the language of democratic opposition to political oligarchy. In a statement issued on 26 May to all Chinese overseas, gongzilian stated, 'The foundations and columns of the People's Republic are stained with our blood and sweat. Our nation was created from the struggle and labour of we workers and all other mental and manual labourers. We are the rightful masters of this nation. We should be, indeed must be, heard in national affairs. We absolutely must not allow this small handful of degenerate scum of the nation and working class to usurp our name and suppress the students, murder democracy, and trample human rights!' Another handbill issued the same day likened the movement to the Great French Revolution, whose 200th anniversary was rapidly approaching, and urged workers to 'storm the Bastille of the 1980s'. Declaring that 'The final struggle has arrived', the document continued, 'We have already seen that the fascist governments and Stalinist dictatorships spurned by hundreds of millions of people have not, indeed will not, voluntarily withdraw from the historical stage. Li Peng along with his backstage supporters and his followers are engaged in their final performance; they may still stake all on a last political gamble'. In a now-familiar style, the document called for all people to prepare to make great sacrifices in this final battle, in order to complete the mop-up campaign against Stalinist dictatorship and to live like human beings under unprecedented freedom and democracy: 'Storm this 20th century Bastille, this last stronghold of Stalinism!' Three days later, they proclaimed, 'we must unite to sweep Deng Xiaoping from the historical stage'.

在戒严期间，工自联在其传单中保持着与绝食时相同的语气：一种将工人阶级斗争的思想与民主反对政治寡头政治的语言融合在一起的修辞。工自联在5月26日发表给所有海外华人的声明中说：“中华人民共和国的根基和柱子，沾满了我们的鲜血和汗水。我们的国家是由我们工人和所有其他脑力劳动者和体力劳动者的斗争和劳动创造出来的。我们是这个国家的合法主人。我们应该，确实必须，在国家事务中被倾听。绝对不能让这一小撮民族和工人阶级的堕落败类篡夺我们的名号，打压学生，谋杀民主，践踏人权！ 同一天发布的另一份传单将这场运动比作即将迎来 200 周年的法国大革命，并敦促工人“冲进 1980 年代的巴士底狱”。文件宣布“最后的斗争已经到来”，并继续说道，“我们已经看到，被亿万人唾弃的法西斯政府和斯大林独裁政权并没有、确实不会自愿退出历史舞台。李鹏和他的后台支持者和他的追随者正在进行最后的表演；他们可能仍将所有赌注押在最后的政治赌博上”。文件以现在熟悉的风格呼吁所有人准备在这场最后的战斗中做出巨大牺牲，以完成反对斯大林独裁统治的扫荡运动，在前所未有的自由和民主下像人类一样生活：“风暴这个 20 世纪的巴士底狱，斯大林主义的最后堡垒！ 三天后，他们宣布，“我们必须团结起来，把邓小平从历史舞台上扫除”。

The propaganda department reorganized the broadcasting operation and made it into perhaps the most important aspect of gongzilian 's presence on the square. The programming was revamped and the equipment upgraded. By the end of May, it broadcast continuously from morning into the evening. Several broadcasting specialists, none of them workers, were enlisted for their voices and diction. 30 News from BBC, VOA and Taiwan radio were broadcast live, and purloined ' neibu ' materials, such as a speech by Yang Shangkun urging a military solution, were read out to listeners. After working hours, however, the broadcasts were turned into a kind of democratic forum. Political statements and satirical songs and poems were written down and handed in by people in the audience to be read out to the crowds. This turned out to be the most popular of the organization's activities, and the one with the highest profile. Ordinary workers, disgruntled journalists and government office workers, even disaffected cadres and soldiers, submitted statements to the broadcasters - often exposés of official duplicity or wrongdoing - and these were read out to large and appreciative audiences every evening.

宣传部重组了广播业务，使其成为工自联在广场上存在的最重要的方面。修改了程序并升级了设备。到5月底，从早到晚连续播出。几位广播专家，他们都不是工人，因为他们的声音和措辞而被加入队伍。 BBC、美国之音和台湾电台的新闻进行现场直播，并向听众宣读了杨尚昆呼吁军事解决的讲话等窃取的“内参”材料。然而，下班后，广播变成了一种民主论坛。政治声明和讽刺歌曲和诗歌被写下来，由听众上交，向人群宣读。结果证明这是该组织最受欢迎的活动，也是最引人注目的活动。普通工人、心怀不满的记者和政府办公室工作人员，甚至心怀不满的干部和士兵，都向广播公司提交了声明——通常是揭露官方的口是心非或不法行为——这些声明每天晚上都会被宣读给大量欣赏的观众。

Much that was distinctive about the gongzilian political mentality is due to the fact that the leaders and members were almost uniformly ordinary young workers with little education and virtually no movement experience. 51 They came to the square from steel mills, railway yards, machine building plants and construction companies (see Table 1 below). They were not, as the government later asserted, unemployed workers or members of Beijing's 'floating population': as already observed, all who registered had to show proof of employment at a Beijing work unit. 52 The group's leaders had at most a high school education, and they often had to rely upon several 'advisers' with university background to help them draft their proclamations. 53 These were not people who perceived themselves as players in an elite political game, and they displayed an acute sense of alienation not only from the political system but to a considerable extent also from the student leaders and intellectuals.

工自联政治心态的独特之处在于，其领导人和成员几乎都是普通青年工人，几乎没有受过教育，几乎没有运动经验。他们从钢厂、铁路站、机械制造厂和建筑公司来到广场（见下表 1）。正如政府后来断言，他们不是失业工人或北京“流动人口”的成员：正如已经观察到的，所有登记的人都必须出示在北京工作单位的就业证明。 该组织的领导人至多受过高中教育，他们常常不得不依赖几位具有大学背景的“顾问”来帮助他们起草宣言。 这些人并不认为自己是精英政治游戏的参与者，他们不仅表现出与政治体系的强烈疏离感，而且在很大程度上也与学生领袖和知识分子存在疏离感。

Table 1. The Backgrounds of Selected Leaders and Activists

Activist #1, 26, high school graduate, sales clerk, Xidan department store, member of leadership committee and head of logistics

Activist #2, 29, high school graduate, owner of private clothing stall, broadcaster

Bai Dongping, 28, high school graduate, railway porter, Beijing railway bureau, Yongdingmen section

Han Dongfang, 26, worker, Fengtai rail yards of the Beijing Railway Bureau, member of leadership committee

He Lili, 36, lecturer, Workers' and Staff College of the Beijing Machine-Building Bureau, member of leadership committee

Jing Gang, worker

Li Jiang, worker

Li Jinjin, 33, graduate student, Beijing University Law Department, legal adviser

Liu Huanwen, 27, high school graduate, worker, No. 1 Cold Rolling Mill of the Specialty Steel Plant of Capital Iron and Steel Corporation, head of picket corps

Liu Qiang, 28, high school graduate, print shop worker, Beijing Plant No. 3209, leadership committee

Liu Xiang, 21, worker Liu Zihou, worker, Beijing Freight Hauling Company, head of a picket brigade

Qian Yumin, 28, high school graduate, worker, Beijing railway bureau, member of leadership committee and secretary

Shen Yaqing, construction worker

Shen Yinhan, worker, member of leadership committee

Tian Bomin, worker

Wang Dengyue, worker, Xuanwu District Construction Company, leadership preparatory committee

Xiao Delong, cook, Qinghua University

Yan Fugan, worker

Yue Wu, cadre, factory in Shanxi, briefly in leadership group in mid-May

Zhao Pinlu, worker, Fengtai Crane Works

Zhou Yongjun, college student, Beijing University of Politics and Law, leadership committee, head of propaganda department

Sources : Gongren qilaile (see footnote 27); interviews cited in the text; Zhongguo zhi chun [China Spring], January 1990, pp. 31-32; Beijing Bureau of Public Security, transcripts of interrogations of Qian Yumin, Bai Dongping, Liu Qiang, Li Jinjin, and Liu Huanwen, 27-31 March 1990, submitted to Japanese courts in the air piracy case of Zhang Zhenhai in Japan (see Xinhua she , 16 December 1989).

From its earliest pronouncements, gongzilian focused heavily on bread-and-butter economic issues, and its demands for political reform were invariably ones that would allow workers to pursue their interests more effectively in the future. Their assessment of Deng's economic reforms was much less favourable than that of the students and intellectuals; they portrayed the reform era as one of victimization for the working class and of consistently bungled economic management. gongzilian expressed a pronounced estrangement from the intellectuals of the reform faction, and was very wary of being used by elite reformers as political cannon fodder. Also, it was consistently critical of Zhao Ziyang even after his fall from power. All of these attitudes led to increasingly strained relations with the student movement over the definition and tactics of the movement. Over the course of May, the workers' disdain for the elitist students on the square deepened, and through various encounters and observations they came to define their own identity and program, with the students as a kind of negative model. All of these features of the gongzilian mentality marked a sharp departure from China's recent traditions of political dissent precisely because it reflected so well the political attitudes of ordinary Chinese working people - attitudes that have rarely been expressed in China's elite-centred tradition of political dissent.

工自联从一开始的声明就非常关注基本的经济问题，其对政治改革的要求始终是为了让工人在未来更有效地追求自己的利益。他们对邓小平经济改革的评价远不如学生和知识分子。他们将改革时代描述为工人阶级的牺牲品和经济管理一贯的拙劣。工自联表达了与改革派知识分子的明显隔阂，非常警惕被精英改革派用作政治炮灰。而且，在赵紫阳倒台后，一直对他持批评态度。所有这些态度导致与学生运动在运动的定义和策略上的关系越来越紧张。五月间，工人们对广场上精英学生的不屑一顾加深，通过各种相遇和观察，他们开始确定自己的身份和纲领，把学生当成一种反面教材。工自联心态的所有这些特征都标志着与中国近代政治异见传统的鲜明背离，正是因为它很好地反映了普通中国劳动人民的政治态度——这种态度在中国以精英为中心的政治异见传统中很少表现出来。

While the student movement did acknowledge issues of concern to workers - most notably inflation and official corruption - these issues were just the beginning of the workers' concerns. From its earliest statements, gongzilian demanded price stabilization. It continued to push this demand and developed a critique of the systemic inflation that was deeply political. In addition to the demands related to the forced sale of state treasury bonds or the investigation of official incomes and privileges mentioned above, gongzilian also raised a number of other concerns, such as the right to change jobs freely and an end to discrimination against women in factory hiring practices.

虽然学生运动确实承认工人关注的问题——最显着的是通货膨胀和官员腐败——但这些问题只是工人关注的开始。从一开始，工自联就要求稳定价格。它继续推动这种需求，并对系统性通货膨胀进行了深刻的政治批判。 除了上述与强制出售国债或调查官方收入和特权有关的要求外，工自联还提出了其他一些问题，例如在工厂招聘实践中允许自由换工作的权利和结束对妇女的招聘歧视。

However, the workers were much more interested in establishing their right to fight for workers' interests than in raising specific demands. In most of their written pronouncements in May, gongzilian declared that it was engaged in a 'fight for democracy' and a struggle to 'bring down dictatorship', and that it had been established to 'correctly lead the democratic patriotic movement'. In concrete terms, gongzilian interpreted 'democracy' very clearly. As one of its members explained, echoing the wording of the provisional program, 'Workers wanted a genuine democracy that would represent them in negotiations ... the All China Union didn't push for the workers' interests. It wasn't an organization that the workers could call their own'. Gongzilian proclaimed that it existed 'not merely to promote benefits for the working class, but to offer political and economic proposals on behalf of the vast majority of the working class'. Moreover, gongzilian claimed the right to 'supervise the Communist Party', to act as guarantors of the legal rights of workers in all enterprises - including the right to 'supervise the legal representatives of the company' in state and collective enterprises, and to 'protect the workers' rights and interests through negotiation or other legal measures' in private, joint-venture and other firms.

然而，与提出具体要求相比，工人更关心的是确立他们为工人利益而斗争的权利。工自联在5月份的大部分书面声明中宣称，它正在从事“争取民主”和“推翻专政”的斗争，并且成立它是为了“正确领导民主爱国运动”。 具体而言，工自联对“民主”的解释非常清楚。正如其一名成员所解释的那样，呼应临时计划的措辞，“工人想要一个真正的民主，在谈判中代表他们……中华全国联盟没有推动工人的利益。这不是一个工人可以称之为自己的组织。 工自联宣称，它的存在“不仅是为工人阶级谋取利益，而且是代表绝大多数工人阶级提出政治和经济建议”。此外，工自联声称有权“监督共产党”，作为所有企业工人合法权利的保证人——包括在国营和集体企业中“监督公司法定代表人”的权利，以及“监督公司法定代表人”的权利。在私营、合资和其他公司通过谈判或其他法律措施保护工人的权益。

It is on the subject of the reforms that the organization displayed the strongest emotions and the greatest disdain for China's leaders. This may come as something of a surprise to foreign observers who, during the 1980s, viewed the unmistakable accomplishments of reform through lenses provided by China's pro-reform intellectuals. Despite unprecedented rises in living standards, gongzilian portrayed the reform era as one of economic mismanagement and official duplicity, during which workers gained little relative to others while their livelihoods became less secure. 

正是在改革主题上，该组织对中国领导人表现出最强烈的情绪和最大的蔑视。这可能令外国观察家感到意外，因为他们只在 1980 年代通过中国支持改革的知识分子提供的镜头来看待改革的明确成就。尽管生活水平前所未有地提高，工自联将改革时代描述为经济管理不善和官方口是心非的时代，在此期间，工人相对于其他人获得的收益很少，而他们的生计则变得不那么稳定。

Gongzilian 's opposition to the reform faction was rooted in the economic grievances that helped spur them to action, and their trade unionism was in fact an effort to protect themselves from what they saw as the unpredictability and insensitivity of the reformers' program. The organization's consequent unwillingness to differentiate among the Party leadership in the midst of the political struggles of May left them estranged from the pro-reform intellectuals who participated in the protests, and from many of the students, who sought to buttress Zhao's forces after it became apparent that he was seeking to differentiate himself from Deng and the hard-liners. As this became evident during the week of the student hunger-strike, gongzilian warned in one of its handbills, 'Politicians who are trying to make use of the democracy movement or the students are warned'. 67 If one reads the 'warning' carefully, it appears to be aimed more at the students and intellectuals than the leadership factions.

工自联反对改革派的根源在于经济上的不满，促使他们采取行动，而他们的工会主义实际上是为了保护自己免受改革派计划的不可预测性和敏感性。该组织因此不愿在 5 月的政治斗争中区分党的领导层，显然，这使他们与参加抗议的支持改革的知识分子以及许多在赵紫阳表现出将自己与邓小平和强硬派区分开来的姿态时，成为其支持者的学生们疏远。由于这在学生绝食一周内变得明显，工自联在其一张传单中警告说，“试图利用民主运动的政治家或学生受到警告”。 如果仔细阅读“警告”，它似乎更多针对学生和知识分子而不是领导派别。

No sooner had Zhao Ziyang gone [to the square] and cried, the students' words changed. Now they were saying that Zhao Ziyang was going to be removed from power, that Zhao Ziyang was good, that we should protect him. We immediately said in our broadcasts that, throughout the movement, we have never demanded the removal of any one person or the promotion of any one person. If you've made a mistake you should admit it to the people. The ordinary people want to see if your accomplishments or mistakes are greater... At the time, we thought that Zhao Ziyang came to the square to deceive people, because he knew he was through. A worker spoke at our 'democratic forum' and said that we don't consider that any man who sheds tears must be a good person. If Zhao Ziyang hadn't come, what would you be doing now? You would still be yelling 'down with Zhao Ziyang'. Li Peng went [to the square] too, but he didn't shed any tears. If Li Peng had cried, what would you be saying now? (Activist #1).

赵紫阳一走，就哭了，学生们的语气就变了。现在都在说赵紫阳要下台，赵紫阳好，我们要保护他。我们立即在广播中表示，在整个运动过程中，我们从未要求撤换任何人或提升任何人。如果你犯了错误，你应该向人们承认。普通人想看看你的功劳和失误是不是更大……当时我们以为赵紫阳是来广场骗人的，因为他知道自己已经完了。一位工人在我们的“民主论坛”上发言说，我们认为流泪的人不一定是好人。如果赵紫阳没有来，你现在会做什么？你还会大喊“打倒赵紫阳”。李鹏也去了（广场），但他没有掉一滴眼泪。如果李鹏哭了，你现在会说什么？ （一位工人抗议者）

The students' sympathy for Zhao Ziyang was one of the last of many differences between the student protesters and the workers of gongzilian . Despite their alliance on the square, educational and class differences continually hampered their relations. The students were not, after all, laobaixing . They exhibited a wariness about the articulation of economic demands by other groups, and wanted to keep the movement exclusively under their control. These differences, and the students' growing attraction to the elite's factional struggle, underlined a sharp class distinction in the politics of dissent: the students understood elite political discourse, were themselves a tiny elite, and many would probably become officials in the future. It was natural for them to be attracted to the elite's manoeuvring. For the workers of gongzilian , however, this was a game that was bewildering, alien and potentially dangerous. The student's attraction to the politics of Party factions kindled in the workers of gongzilian a lingering doubt about whose side the students were really on.

学生们对赵紫阳的同情，是学生抗议者和工自联工人之间许多分歧中的最后一个。尽管他们在广场上结盟，但教育和阶级差异不断阻碍他们的关系。学生们毕竟不是“老百姓”。他们对其他团体表达经济需求表现出谨慎态度，并希望将运动完全置于他们的控制之下。这些差异，以及学生对精英派系斗争日益增长的趋向性，凸显了异议政治中的明显阶级差异：学生理解精英政治话语，他们自己是一个小精英，许多人将来可能会成为官员。他们自然会被精英们的话术所吸引。然而，对于工自联的工作人员来说，这是一个令人眼花缭乱、陌生且具有潜在危险的游戏。学生对党派政治的狂热在工自联的工人中点燃了对学生真正站在谁一边的挥之不去的怀疑。

As the movement progressed, gongzilian activists began to feel that the student leaders were insensitive to their demands, and moreover obstructed their efforts to win rights for workers.

On the 28th, gongzilian advocated a closing of all factories and shops. If it was impossible to go out on strike, the workers could still stage slowdowns. To strike is our right, to uphold justice and protect our own interests. Workers from a lot of work units supported our strike call. Workers said, we simply aren't willing to work for them any more. But the students wouldn't allow us to strike. They tried every possible way to convince us not to...The students said, this is our movement, and you have to obey us. They didn't let us do it. The workers couldn't take it, that's why we had to have our own organization. By the end, after 28 May, we didn't advocate sympathy for the students anymore (Activist #1).

随着运动的进行，工自联积极分子开始感到学生领袖对他们的要求不感冒，并阻碍他们为工人争取权利的努力。

28日，工自联主张关闭所有工厂和商店。如果罢工是不可能的，工人仍然可以故意拖延工作。罢工是我们的权利，维护正义，保护我们自己的利益。很多单位的工人都支持我们的罢工号召。工人们说，我们就是不愿意再为他们工作了。但是学生们不让我们罢工。他们千方百计说服我们不要……学生们说，这是我们的运动，你们要服从我们。他们没有让我们这样做。工人们无法接受，这就是为什么我们必须拥有自己的组织。最后，在 5 月 28 日之后，我们不再提倡对学生的同情（一位工人抗议者）。

Behind this perceived insensitivity, gongzilian activists also began to feel the sting of class snobbery.

The students were always rejecting us workers... They thought we were uncultured. We demanded to participate in the dialogue with the government, but the students wouldn't let us. They considered us workers to be crude, stupid, reckless, and unable to negotiate (Activist #1).

在这种被察觉到的麻木不仁的背后，工自联积极分子也开始感受到阶级势利的刺痛。

学生们总是拒绝我们工人……他们认为我们没有文化。我们要求参加与政府的对话，但学生们不让。他们认为我们工人粗鲁、愚蠢、鲁莽且无法谈判（一位工人抗议者）。

The same kind of class distinctions, of course, were observed in the legal organs' treatment of protesters with different degrees of social status after the June crack-down. Intellectuals and students tended to get lighter punishments and less physical abuse, while workers could expect execution or long prison terms, and beatings under interrogation. However moved they might have been by the students' hunger-strike, the workers felt that they were risking much more by their activism than most students.

You know, with students, it's nothing - they arrest you for a couple of days and let you go. But when we workers get arrested they shoot us... The government is ruthless toward us workers. And they say the workers are the ruling class. What a load of horseshit! The workers who were arrested [after 4 June] were all beaten half to death. We had a guy who hid a gun. Later he was arrested. The public security bureau brought him back [to his neighbourhood] to fetch his gun, and he was almost unrecognizable, his face beaten to a pulp and his lips looking like a pig's... About halfway through, a lot of us thought that we would be defeated anyway, and that the government would suppress us. But we couldn't break up. If we broke up we would be suppressed, and if we didn't we'd be suppressed. So we felt we might as well do it right, and let others know that there was a group of people like us, an organization like ours... The students thought they were very powerful. We workers always felt we were subject to domination, nothing like the confidence of the students (Activist #2).

当然，在6月镇压后，法律机关对待不同社会地位的抗议者的方式也存在同样的阶级差别。知识分子和学生往往会受到较轻的惩罚和较少的身体虐待，而工人则可能会被处决或长期监禁，并在审讯中遭到殴打。无论学生的绝食令他们多么感动，工人们都觉得他们的激进主义比大多数学生承担的风险要大得多。

你知道，对于学生来说，这没什么——他们逮捕你几天然后放你走。但是当我们工人被捕时，他们向我们开枪……政府对我们工人无情。他们说工人是统治阶级。真是一派胡言！ [6月4日以后]被捕的工人都被打得半死。我们有一个藏枪的人。后来他被捕了。公安局把他带回（附近）取枪，他几乎认不出来了，脸被打成肉泥，嘴唇像猪一样……大约进行到一半，我们很多人都以为是我们反正都会失败，政府会镇压我们。但我们无法就此解散。如果我们解散了，我们就会被镇压，如果我们不解散，我们还是会被镇压。所以我们觉得我们不如做到底，让别人知道有我们这样的一群人，我们这样的组织……学生们认为他们很强大。我们工人总是觉得我们受制于人，这与学生的自信心完全不同。（另一位工人参与者）

As it became apparent that the end was near, the students who remained in the square finally began to come over to the workers' headquarters on their own initiative for discussions and began to include them in their planning. Only after it was apparent that military action was underway on 3 June, however, did they run over to the workers' headquarters and ask them to call a general strike. By then, it was too late: 'If the workers had stood up first, it would have been a lot better. The students wouldn't allow us workers to strike. At the very end it was too late; to call out workers to strike at the end, nobody would go along with it. They would feel hurt, like the students were treating us like playthings' (Activist #1).

随着时间的临近，留在广场上的学生们终于开始主动来到工人总部讨论，并开始将他们纳入他们的计划中。然而，直到 6 月 3 日军事行动明显开始后，他们才跑到工人总部要求他们举行总罢工。到那时，为时已晚：“如果工人先站起来，情况会好得多。学生不允许我们工人罢工。最后为时已晚；最后号召工人罢工，没有人会同意。工人们感到十分受伤，就像学生们把我们当作玩具一样对待（其中一名工人参与者）。

In response to the students' exclusivity, gongzilian made it a point to declare in its charter that 'all may join in', and in interviews members took pride in the fact that their leaders would talk freely with city people of all walks of life, and peasants as well, and that the 'democratic forum' of their broadcasting station was open to any and all statements from the audience. In response to the student attitude that the movement was theirs, and that other groups should stay clear, fall into line with the student's aims and willingly serve the student movement in a subordinate role, the workers asserted in their handbills that 'ours is a nation that is built from the efforts of mental and physical labourers', 'the working class is the most advanced class' and that 'the People's Republic of China is led by the working class', which has a 'special role' in 'correctly leading the democratic patriotic movement. 71 In opposition to the hierarchy of the student movement - its leaders had titles like 'General Commander', 'Chairman' and so forth - the workers adamantly refused to bestow specialized titles, preferring instead a collective leadership in which people were given responsibilities, but neither titles nor the right to order people about.

Gongzilian didn't have any 'general commanders'. If you weren't on the standing committee, then you were a member. If there was something to be dealt with, we just met and talked it over. We all just wanted to get something accomplished, nobody wanted to step forward and stand out from the others... [After a student leader joined us at the end of May] we were very happy. But he was always putting on airs of being our leader. Who would take orders from him! He didn't even consider that nobody had to be any more powerful than anyone else. Although we workers didn't have any education, we were very clear about that! (Activist #2).

针对学生的排他性，工自联在其章程中特别声明“所有人都可以加入”，并且在采访中成员们为他们的领导与城市各行各业的人自由交谈而感到自豪，包括农民农民，而且他们广播电台的“民主论坛”对观众的任何和所有发言都是开放的。为了回应学生的态度，即运动是他们的，其他团体应该保持清醒，符合学生的目标并愿意以从属角色为学生运动服务，工人在他们的传单中断言“我们是一个国家”由脑力劳动者和体力劳动者的努力建立起来的“工人阶级是最先进的阶级”和“中华人民共和国由工人阶级领导”，在“正确领导”方面具有“特殊作用”民主爱国运动。 反对学生运动的等级制度——它的领导人有“总司令”、“主席”等头衔——工人坚决拒绝授予专业头衔，而是更喜欢集体领导，让人们承担责任，但既没有头衔也没有命令人们的权利。

工自联没有任何‘总司令’。如果你不是常委，那么你就是成员。如果有什么事情要处理，我们就见面聊聊。我们都只是想有所作为，没有人想站出来脱颖而出……（5月底有学生领袖加入后）我们很高兴。但他总是摆出是我们的领导者的架子。谁会听他的命令！他甚至没有考虑到没有人必须比其他人更权力大。虽然我们工人没有受过教育，但我们很清楚这一点！ （一位工人参与者）。

The workers also, as noted, thought they saw in the student leadership the same kind of special privileges and financial misappropriation that they hated in the government. It was widely rumoured among workers on the square that the two top leaders among the student protesters (they were married) not only had the largest tent of anyone but also slept on a Simmons mattress; that the size and quality of tents and sleeping mats were allocated among student leaders according to their relative rank; that many of the student leaders had electric fans in their tents. 72 The students had taken in enormous sums of money in donations from ordinary citizens and from abroad, and there were legendary struggles to control these funds, This disgusted the workers.

We saw that the students had stumbled into chaos over money. They are capitalists; what they had was a lot of money. We are the proletarian class. We didn't want to screw things up on account of money, and bear the responsibility for shady dealings with money... We had our criticisms of the students' financial system. How much money the students received and how much they spent, to this day I don't know. You basically couldn't find the people in their financial department... We had two rules in our financial system. One, don't accept contributions of money. Two, if someone drops money off and leaves, count it immediately and as soon as you are done let everyone know how much there is and what you will use it for (Activist #1).

如前所述，工人们还认为他们在学生领导层中看到了与他们在政府中憎恨的特权和财务挪用相同的类型。广场上的工人们普遍传言，学生抗议者中的两位最高领导人（他们已婚）不仅拥有所有人中最大的帐篷，而且还睡在席梦思床垫上；帐篷和睡垫的大小和质量按学生领导的相对等级分配；许多学生领袖的帐篷里都有电风扇。 学生们从普通公民和国外的捐赠中获得了巨额资金，并为控制这些资金进行了传奇般的斗争，这让工人感到厌恶。

我们看到学生们因钱而陷入混乱。他们是资本家；他们拥有的是很多钱。我们是无产阶级。我们不想为了钱把事情搞砸，也不想承担与钱打交道的责任……我们对学生的财务制度提出了批评。学生们收到了多少钱，花了多少钱，直到今天我都不知道。你基本上找不到他们财务部门的人......我们的财务系统有两条规则。一、不接受捐款。二，如果有人掉钱离开，立即数钱，一旦你完成，让每个人都知道有多少钱以及你将用它做什么（工人参与者）。

In contrast to the student leaders' perceived power struggles and competition for the media limelight and control over finances, the gongzilian activists prided themselves on the absence of continuous power struggles in their leading bodies. In contrast to what they saw as the student's over-intellectualized and moralistic approaches, gongzilian activists prided themselves on their ability to speak the language of the ordinary citizen.

The difference between us and the students is that when we talked to the city people and workers, we talked about such practical questions as clothing, food, housing, farming and so forth... A student asked me, wouldn't you like an even higher level of democracy? I asked him what he meant, and he gave me a long speech. I told him, stop talking, please. The more you talk the more confused things get (Activist #1).

与学生领袖所感知的权力斗争和争夺媒体焦点和对财务的控制不同，工自联的参与者们为他们的领导机构中没有持续的权力斗争而自豪。与他们所看到的学生过度理智化和道德化的做法相反，工自联积极分子以他们能说普通公民的语言而自豪。

我们和学生的区别在于，我们和城里人、工人谈的时候，谈的都是衣食住行等实际问题……一个学生问我，你不喜欢吗？甚至更高水平的民主？我问他什么意思，他给了我一个很长的演讲。我告诉他，请不要说话。你说得越多，事情就越糊涂（工人参与者）。

The gongzilian activists we interviewed stressed repeatedly that they were oriented to 'getting things done' ( gan shishi ), not personal ambition or power struggles, nor moralizing or speech-making, because the needs of the working class were practical. In our interviews with them, a common refrain was that their desire to 'accomplish something practical' was repeatedly frustrated by the orientation of the student-dominated movement.

A lot of people came up to us and said, your words aren't hollow; when we listen to the students talk we can't understand them. Students wanted democracy, freedom, peace, reason, non-violence. They were always shouting that the status of intellectuals was too low. But they never brought up the workers. And they didn't answer the questions that the workers put to them... They were always talking about awakening the suffering masses, but the ordinary folk aren't stupid. They know what's right and what's wrong. What we need is to get going and accomplish something (Activist #1).

我们采访的工自联参与者反复强调，他们的导向是“把事情做好”（“干实事”），而不是个人野心或权力斗争，也不是说教或演讲，因为工人阶级的需求是实际的。在我们对他们的采访中，一个普遍的说法是，他们想要“完成一些实际的事情”的愿望一再被学生主导的运动的方向所挫败。

很多人上前对我们说，你的话不是空洞的；当我们听学生讲话时，我们无法理解他们。学生们想要民主、自由、和平、理性、非暴力。他们总是高喊知识分子的地位太低。但他们从来没有提起过工人。而且他们没有回答工人提出的问题……他们一直在谈论唤醒受苦群众，但普通人并不傻。他们知道什么是对的，什么是错的。我们需要的是开始并完成一些事情（工人参与者）。

文章内容节选自

WORKERS IN THE TIANANMEN PROTESTS: THE POLITICS OF THE BEIJING WORKERS' AUTONOMOUS FEDERATION *