汉堡王市长

法西斯主义|新纳粹 |勃艮第系统|“早该屠屠了”

遥远六四想象的谬误

 (編輯過)
反复扭曲的记忆,最终让真实离人越来越远,后六四时代中国失去的社会主义

来自:The Forgotten Workers of Tiananmen Square(被遗忘的六四工人)


It’s common for mainstream liberal thinkers to assume that the highly educated middle class is the key to democratization. The aftermath of June 4 is a clear counterexample. As Ho-fung Hung writes in his 2016 book The China Boom, surveys in China during the 1990s and early 2000s found that “most middle-class professionals and entrepreneurs [were] sternly opposed to political liberalization out of fear that it [would] unleash increasing social demands from below.” In general, research shows that it is the working class—not the middle class—who drive this kind of change.

非常常见的自由主义想法,都会假设“受过高等教育的”中产阶层,才是民主化的关键。而后六四时代的经验显然是一个反例,根据Ho-Fung Hung在他2016年出版的书China Boom当中提及,从1990到2000年初在中国的田野调查当中发现,大部分中产阶级专家和企业主们都是坚决反对政治自由化,担心这种自由化会释放出底层更多的社会需求。最终,研究者发现其实是劳工阶层,而不是中产者,在推动政治方面的自由化。


来自“Workers in the Tiananmen Protests: The Politics of the Beijing Workers' Autonomous Federation” : (天安门事件当中的工人,北京工人自治联盟的政治活动):

Such an assessment appears, after more sustained research, to under­ estimate the significance of gongzilian in two distinct ways. First, the organization played an increasingly pivotal role in the mobilization of street protests after the declaration of martial law; as the student presence in the square dwindled in the last days of May, the membership of gongzilian grew, its organization reached a high state of readiness, and it took a high profile in organizing the resistance to martial law. Moreover, while gongzilian lacked formally organized branches in places of work, it had a number of important informal ties to workers and work units throughout the city, from whom it enjoyed steady moral and material support until the rifle shots began to ring out. Unlike the student movement, the workers' movement had picked up momentum after martial law and appeared to gain confidence and strength as May turned into June.

经过更长期的研究,之前的评估似乎以两种不同的方式低估了工自联的重要性。首先,该组织在宣布戒严后在街头抗议活动中发挥了越来越重要的作用;五月的最后几天,随着广场上学生人数的减少,工自联的成员越来越多,其组织也达到了高度的准备状态,并高调组织了戒严。此外,虽然工自联在工作场所缺乏正式的分支机构组织,但它与全市工人和工作单位有许多重要的非正式联系,从他们那里得到稳定的精神和物质支持,直到六四事件当中的枪声响起。与学生运动不同的是,工人运动在戒严后有所回升,并且随着五月结束进入六月,工人运动逐渐获得了更多信心和力量。

来自Tiananmen Square Thirteen Years After: The Prospects for Civil Unrest in China(天安门广场三十年之后,中国社会动荡的不同角度)

Despite being targeted for repression in 1989, workers from SOEs are especially susceptible to mobilization for protest demonstration. Their long employment in state-owned enterprises gives them access to an organizational infra- structure much like that of students. Employment in SOEs embeds a worker in a stable network of social contacts that go beyond the workplace itself. Member- ship in this network enables workers to communicate quickly and easily with a large number of potential participants. Life as an SOE employee has also given them experience in organized collective action, even if those activities were organized by the firm or the party in the service of goals sanctioned by the state.

尽管在 1989 年成为镇压目标,但国有企业的工人特别容易被动员起来进行抗议示威。他们在国有企业的长期工作使他们能够使用与学生非常相似的组织架构。国有企业的就业将工人嵌入到超越工作场所本身的稳定社会联系网络中。该网络的成员资格使工作人员能够快速轻松地与大量潜在参与者进行交流。作为国有企业员工的生活也让他们体验到有组织的集体行动,即使这些活动是由公司或政党为实现国家批准的目标而组织的。


Third, unlike the previous two waves of demonstrations since Mao's death, the Tiananmen Square demonstrations were crushed with unprecedented brutality. No doubt the participation of urban workers and government/party employees alarmed party leaders to a degree unmatched by previous waves of largely student-based demonstrations. On 3-4 June, units of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) entered Tiananmen Square and began forcibly evicting demonstrators. Between 1,000 and 2,600 demonstrators were killed, although estimates vary considerably. Six thousand soldiers reported nonfatal injuries, and an unknown number of civilians were wounded. The party quickly moved to jail or exile most of the leaders of the movement. 31 Within two weeks, officially reported arrests totaled 1,600. By the spring of 1991, 2,578 arrests were confirmed by the Chinese government. Hong Kong sources put the figure closer to 4,000.32 The level of repression in 1989 (as well as the suddenness and brutality of it) was unprecedented and unanticipated by the demonstrators. Any assessment of protest cycles in China would suggest that the absence of nationwide demonstrations for over a decade is attributable in part to the harshness with which the 1989 movement was repressed.

第三,与毛逝世以来的前两波示威不同,天安门广场的示威以前所未有的残酷镇压。毫无疑问,城市工人和政府/党内雇员的参与使党的领导人感到震惊,其程度是之前以学生为主的示威浪潮所无法比拟的。 6 月 3 日至 4 日,中国人民解放军(PLA)部队进入天安门广场并开始强行驱逐示威者。 1,000 至 2,600 名示威者被杀,但估计数相差很大。六千名士兵报告了非致命伤,还有数目不详的平民受伤。该党很快将大部分运动领导人关进监狱或流放。 31 在两周内,官方报告的逮捕总数为 1,600。到 1991 年春,中国政府确认逮捕了 2,578 人。香港消息人士称,这个数字接近 4,000.32。1989 年的镇压程度(以及它的突然性和野蛮性)是前所未有的,也是示威者始料未及的。对中国抗议周期的任何评估都表明,十多年来没有全国性的示威活动,部分原因是 1989 年的运动被镇压的严厉程度。

In the aftermath of Tiananmen Square, China's leadership implemented a strategy of social control intended to head off a recurrence of those events. First, this strategy involved diminishing the grievances of urban workers by restoring economic growth and reducing inflation. In this manner, they hoped to erode the student-worker coalition. Second, the party crushed student and worker organizations, imprisoning dissident leaders, and re-emphasizing political education in the university curriculum and the mass media. The prospects for a recurrence of demonstrations hinge in part on the capacity of the state to sustain this two- pronged strategy.

天安门广场事件发生后,中国领导层实施了旨在阻止这些事件再次发生的社会控制战略。首先,该战略涉及通过恢复经济增长和降低通货膨胀来减少城市工人的不满。通过这种方式,他们希望削弱学生工人联盟。其次,党粉碎学生和工人组织,监禁持不同政见的领导人,并在大学课程和大众媒体中重新强调政治教育。国家维持这种双管齐下战略的能力最终限制了再次发生类似示威活动的可能。

来自Chronology of Events Related to the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident (1989年天安门事件时间表)

15 May 1989: Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev arrives in Beijing for the first Sino-Soviet summit in thirty years. The government's threat to empty Tiananmen Square by force fails to materialize while workers, intellectuals, and even public and party agency employees demonstrate in the Square to support the young hunger strikers. Yan Mingfu, a member of the party Secretariat, talks to the students.

1989 年 5 月 15 日:苏联领导人米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫 (Mikhail Gorbachev) 抵达北京,参加 30 年来首次中苏会晤。当工人、知识分子,甚至公共和党的机构雇员在广场上示威支持年轻绝食者时,政府以武力威胁清空天安门广场未能实现。党委书记阎明复与学生交谈。

20 May 1989: Martial law is declared in Beijing at 10:00 a.m. by an order bearing the signatures of Deng Xiaoping, President Yang Shangkun, and Li Peng. As students and workers appealing for democracy surround its soldiers, the Thirty-eighth Group Army decides to turn around after having pulled into Beijing. Yang Shangkun calls for group armies from all military regions to deploy around the capital. Passenger trains and domestic air flights are cancelled. Demonstrators number over one million.

1989 年 5 月 20 日:上午 10 点,北京宣布戒严,邓小平主席、杨尚昆主席和李鹏签署命令。当呼吁民主的学生和工人包围其士兵时,三十八集团军在拉入北京后决定掉头。杨尚昆号召各军区的集团军在京城周围部署。旅客列车和国内航班取消。示威者人数超过一百万。

22 May 1989: The government drops warning leaflets from a helicopter onto students in Tiananmen Square warning them to leave the Square or the army would force them out. Seven senior military officers write in a letter in the People's Daily, "The People's Liberation Army [PLA] belongs to the people. It cannot confront the people. The army cannot enter the city."

1989 年 5 月 22 日:政府从直升机上向天安门广场的学生散发警告传单,警告他们离开广场,否则军队将迫使他们离开。七名高级军官在人民日报的一封信中写道:“解放军是人民的,不能对抗人民,军队不能进城。”

【正文】

关于六四的想象,很多来自后人的不断叠加和加工,最终形成了许多大众媒体,尤其是港台和欧美一些媒体对于六四的印象:学生聚集起来抗议独裁暴政,共产党残暴屠杀,共产党坏坏。

除此以外,无论阅读多少篇此类媒体的“报道”,都不会得到什么新的发现。是的,共产党坏坏,是的,民主万岁。


可是真实的六四和这些有任何关联吗?


1989年,当人们从全中国各地聚集在广场的时候,很多人,甚至绝大多数人都是不清楚自己几十年后会被称为“民主斗士”的。许多人的目的各自不同,甚至其想要达到的政治结果也是完全相反的。工人们想要自己的工人联合自治,以及反对进一步的私有化,市民们想要停止腐败,普通的政府工作者怨恨政府的低效率和无能。然而最终只有一种叙事模式最终成为了,所谓人们眼中的“六四”,那就是学生,而且还是仅仅最少部分学生的政见,成了“代表六四百万余示威者”的“正确的”“共同的"六四记忆。

六四本身作为1978年1979年以及八十年代各种中国大陆发生的示威活动,本身其实是一种之前的其他示威活动的延续。其目标本身也没有脱离更实际的要求,比如反腐,比如控制物价,等等等等。而六四本身作为”自由“”民主“运动的说法,甚至直到1989年5月时候,才刚刚被广场上的一小部分学生提出,一定程度上,这种看法最终也劫持了整个六四后四十年的叙事。不管是中国还是外国,人们都只记得“这是一场自由化”运动,除此之外没有别的。除了亲历者当中的人,中国的防火墙和海外的媒体墙共同塑造了一个虚假的六四记忆,一个从来不存在的六四。而曾经组织联合罢工的工人和在外围围堵军队进京的市民,自愿放下武器撤出北京的军队,还有反对镇压的党政领导,均被彻底遗忘。而最重要的,六四本身的意义最终也被彻底扭曲,成了和一般的“茉莉花革命”一样毫无意义的,无聊的,养尊处优的小市民们的谈资,或者一种用来破坏中国国家机器的工具。

1989年当多数人走向自己城市的广场的时候,他们是在呼唤一个强大的国家机器来肩负起自己应有的责任,制止腐败,抑制经济自由化对人的损害。而真正戒严令下达,以及最终的镇压,则是开始于整个国家机器已经产生严重崩溃的迹象之后。让人非常困惑的是,镇压发生之前,中共当中不只自由主义倾向的领导者,甚至连被认为是六四镇压屠夫的李鹏,都曾经和学生领袖对话过,甚至去医院探望。当时的社会都认为整个事件最终能和平解决。然而进入五月之后,因为更多的其他社会团体的加入,运动本身的诉求变得越来越多,有些甚至完全相互矛盾,而学生本身从未能建立对整个运动的引导,以至于最终面对数百万人的不断抗议,军队抗命,政府机关不服从,和平的谈判已经完全无法进行,甚至连谈判对象都已经不存在,政府要面对无数因为各种各样原因愤怒和不满的人民,毫无办法。

从这些看去,六四的另一种结果,当然毫无疑问的是当时中国政府的彻底颠覆,以及国家机器的彻底崩溃。至于这之后是不是如“民运斗士”所愿,中国成为没有共产党的“民主”?不好意思,没人知道。但是很清楚的一点,那就是哪怕广场运动顶峰时期,学生都对其他社会团体毫无引导和制约能力,那没有共产党的后六四时代,又如何指望“民主”学生们去引导有自我武装能力的工人和士兵呢?六四的镇压,最终崩溃的不是中国的民主,而是一次潜在可能的工人革命和二次布尔什维克红十月,中国付出了血的代价,但是幸运的是,中国没有因为六四的另一个结果,付出更大的血的代价,一个中国无法承受的二次革命的代价。


当前的中国,政府对于信息的管控,和各种手段,以及要感谢欧美方面对六四单一化的叙事,让新生代中国人没办法把这个当年几乎是全面阶级内战的导火索,和当今中国的时事联系起来。所以尽管阶级矛盾依然在中国存在,很少有人知道,六四真的是什么。这或许是某种中共和西方共同的默契。因为两边都没有勇气面对真实的六四。










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